For the scene that the western wasn’t particularly violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (nyc, 1968).
For the characterization of this debate a few years later on, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but aided by the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (nyc, 1978). For the argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in certain means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide rates in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice within the American West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For the interpretation for the reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching into the West. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, therefore the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, as well as the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). For a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci, The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998). For a example of mob physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: an account of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and northeastern lynchings, see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and kids in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and customs within the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching in addition to Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will xhamsterlive male cams Undoubtedly just just Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly just What Reconstruction Meant: Historical Memory into the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For a interpretation that is recent of physical physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, as well as the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free americans that are african the antebellum South, see “Lynchings of African Us citizens into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the artificial remedy for lynching in US history that features conversation of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the us. On methodological issues with lynching data, specially for the areas away from Southern, and on approaches for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging to a national Lynching Database: Recent Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological dilemmas active in the quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence into the Postbellum South, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant because they are, may outweigh the advantages of counting US lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. Regarding the community that is norwegian collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating his family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective violence in structural terms across international countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from an International Perspective (New York, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching when you look at the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as an essential episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical violence among these particular countries. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years over the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I’m grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, and a reviewer that is anonymous their feedback on a youthful type of this essay.